Tag Archives: Urban

Watching: Jane Jacobs—Neighborhoods in Action

A great produced by the Active Living Network (a project of The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation). It features an interview with the goddess herself.  The clip explores the role of the built environment in physical activity and public health.  It’s 9 minutes and 46 seconds VERY well spent).

httpv://www..com/watch?v=Z99FHvVt1G4

I love her support for skateboarding as an important of youth physical activity.  Lots of good aphorisms at the end as well.

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Jane Jacobs: We’re Not Bowling Alone

Two bowling pins; Två bowlingkäglor

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I recently came across this article from Boston College Environmental Affairs Law Review.  It is based on the proceedings of a symposium held in December 2000, entitled Jane Jacobs & the New Urban Ecology.   A unique part of the proceedings is a section entitled Random Comments, Jane Jacobs—a collection of some of the comments Ms. Jacobs made both after the panel presentations and in response to audience questions.

Despite being over a decade old, her comments remain relevant today. In this excerpt she contests that argument that Americans have become less socially connected.

We’re Not Bowling Alone

I agree with Robert Campbell and Archon Fung that Americans have not significantly become detached social solitaries, “bowling alone,” as Robert Putnam concluded. Rather, as far as I can see, they continue to be wonderfully socially inventive, both in and suburbs, and are often concerned constructively with serious local problems—if anything, more so than in the past when fraternal lodges and ladies’ auxiliaries flourished.

I’d add, however, that when causes are confrontational, as they often are, some are inhibited by fear of losing their jobs or damaging their careers if they become active or outspoken on behalf of civic causes they believe in but that are in disagreement with their employers’ policies. In my experience, universities and hospitals, for instance, are typically vulnerable to implied official or donor blackmail of the variety, “If you support that, you won’t get this.” They pass along this institutional vulnerability to employees, and dissenting employees shut up.

Thus, big institutions tend to make treacherous within communities: town and gown conflicts are polarized and don’t necessarily really reflect opinions. I don’t know an answer to this state of affairs. But, I speculate that in hard times people with good jobs in overbearing institutions feel less free to speak out than in good times.

For a full transcript of her remarks, follow this link.

Also, if you are interested in reading another perspective on , check out the post I recently wrote on the topic: Rethinking Social Capital.

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Jane Jacobs on the Importance of Public Transportation

CLRV #4059 travels along the Main Street bridg...

Image via Wikipedia

I recently came across this article from Boston College Environmental Affairs Law Review.  It is based on the proceedings of a symposium held in December 2000, entitled Jane Jacobs & the New Ecology.   A unique part of the proceedings is a section entitled Random Comments, Jane Jacobs—a collection of some of the comments Ms. Jacobs made both after the panel presentations and in response to audience questions.

Despite being over a decade old, her comments remain relevant today. Here is what she had to say about public :

The Importance of Public Transportation

Now that it is becoming acknowledged that sprawl, with its wastes of land, energy, and time, can’t continue indefinitely, we begin to hear of hope in large, encompassing public transportation plans. We surely do need more and better public transportation service, for many reasons. But I shudder at the thought of these big schemes in the hands of who don’t—perhaps even can’t—know where routes should go or what kinds of routes putative traffic will justify. Already enough small, and yet also expensive, mistakes have recently been made in such places as Buffalo, Toronto, Atlanta, and Chicago, to be worrying.

Back in the 1950s when plans started to appear for one-story, spread-out high schools instead of three or four storied traditional buildings, architects for one of these first new schools—in Connecticut if I remember correctly—weren’t sure where to locate walks for students and staff criss-crossing outdoor grounds between classrooms and other facilities like gyms, auditoriums, and cafeterias. Should they rely on guesswork? Or depend on neat geometric schemes? Should perhaps everything be paved? The architects let the problem stand unsolved until the school had been in use throughout its first winter, during which they mapped the paths which users had made in the snow. The architects let users inform them where paths should go.

The closest approach I’ve ever seen to use of this strategy for public transportation has been on several little Caribbean islands where my husband and I used to vacation. For tourists, there were taxis and rental cars. For local people, however, there were little jitney buses, actually station-wagons, owned by their drivers who were free to take passengers along whatever routes drivers pleased, on whatever schedules the demand justified, for whatever fares they set in free competition. Although we were tourists, the jitneys interested us as they took people to markets, jobs, entertainment spots, and back home, so that’s what we used. We became not only admiring but envious of the flexibility and true economy of this self-organized system, dictated to providers by needs of users.

In , the terrain for effective new public transportation is now almost as blank as that Connecticut schoolyard’s new-fallen snow because in so many places public transportation has not yet developed at all, while in others it has all but dwindled away or grown inconvenient. Rather wistfully, I wish we could experiment as freely as Caribbean islanders, but for historical and other ingrained causes that seems improbable. But at least we should be able to hope that schemes will develop incrementally and as flexibly as possible, not become rigid prematurely, and certainly not become the responsibility of highway and automobile traffic engineers, whose educations and assumptions are inappropriate for this other task.

No efficient schemes, incremental or not, are apt to prosper without two other simultaneous changes: (a) densification, probably largely by infilling our existing sprawls; and (b) an end to adding and widening highways. What is now called smart growth requires all three kinds of change.

For a full transcript of her remarks, following this link.

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Is it time to move beyond Jane Jacobs?

Over the weekend, I came across an interesting article about a recent panel convened at the CUNY Graduate Center in New York City  to discuss a new book by Brown University professor Samuel (“Sandy”) Zipp entitled Manhattan Projects: the Rise and Fall of Urban Renewal in Cold War New York.  Among many other things, the panel engaged in an interesting discussion on the respective legacies of and Jane Jacobs.

Here’s a passage from the article:

For the last few decades, it has been taken as a given by urban that “urban renewal,” the approach to planning in the 1950s and early 60s that resulted in bulldozed neighborhoods, modern public housing projects, and lots of urban highways, was a bad way to go about building a city. It’s axiomatic that a better way to go about it is to make the streets better for people and worse for cars, and encourage “mixed-use” development, among other things.

In New York specifically, Robert Moses, the post-war king of roads and “slum-clearance” made infamous by Robert Caro’s The Power Broker, has come to stand for urban renewal, and Jane Jacobs, who idealized and sought to preserve the West Village, and whose Death and Life of Great American Cities is still considered a prerequisite read for students in the field, represents the reaction.

That’s the . But the cultural and intellectual legacy of urban renewal today is something a lot more complex.

The article ends with this quote:

“We used to say we plan at the scale of Robert Moses, but we judge ourselves by the standard of Jane Jacobs,” [New York City Planning Commissioner Amanda] Burden said in her introduction. “That’s not really true anymore. We judge ourselves now by Jan Gehl’s standard.”

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Jane’s Walk Phoenix Coverage: Modern Phoenix

My friend, Allison King—of Modern Phoenix fame—has prepared a great photo essay of the 2010 Jane’s Walk.   I’ve included a sneak peak here, but be sure to check out the whole thing here.

Jane’s Walk 2010 was bigger and better than ever, featuring early industrial midcentury by familiar names like Weaver & Drover and Ed Varney.

The annual walking exploration of the urban environment began one May morning at the amenZone gym. About 70 urbanites were in attendance. Michael Levine and Angela Paladino of Levine Machine, Inc. led the group through his familiar stomping grounds of the warehouse district in the Presidential of downtown .

Thank you Yuri Artibise for your dedication to exploring issues in your adopted hometown of Phoenix! To view the tour route and walk downtown yourself, visit the Jane’s Walk 2010 Map.

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How Hard can a Street Work?

Here is installment number two of Jane Jacobs‘  Downtown is for People essay, first published in the April 1958 edition of Fortune Magazine:

How hard can a street work?

The best place to look at first is the street. One had better look quickly too; not only are the projects making away with the noisy automobile traffic of the street, they are making away with the street itself. In its stead will be open spaces with long vistas and lots and lots of elbowroom.

But the street works harder than any other part of downtown. It is the nervous system; it communicates the flavor, the feel, the sights. It is the major point of transaction and for themselves, through mid-block lobbies of building block-through stores and banks, even parking lots and alley, communication. Users of downtown know very well that downtown needs not fewer , but more, especially for pedestrians. They are constantly making new, extra paths for themselves, through mid-block lobbies of buildings, block-through stores and banks, even parking lots and alleys. Some of the builders of downtown know this too, and rent space along their hidden .

Rockefeller Center's Channel Gardens

Rockefeller Center, frequently cited to prove that projects are good for downtown, differs in a very fundamental way from the projects being designed today. It respects the street. Rockefeller Center knits tightly into every street that intersects it. One of its most brilliant features is the full-fledged extra street with which it cuts across blocks that elsewhere are too long. Its open spaces are eddies of the streets, small and sharp and lively, not large, empty, and boring. Most important, it is so dense and concentrated that the uniformity it does possess is a relatively small episode in the area.

As one result of its extreme density, Rockefeller Center had to put the overflow of its street activity underground, and as is so often the case with successful projects, planners have drawn the wrong moral: to keep the ground level more open, they are sending the people into underground streets although the theoretical purpose of the is to endow people with more air and sky, not less. It would be hard to think of a more expeditious way to dampen downtown than to shove its liveliest activities and brightest lights underground, yet this is what Philadelphia’s Penn Center and Pittsburgh’s Gateway Center do. Any department-store management that followed such a policy with its vital groundfloor space, instead of using it as a village of streets, would go out of business.

Next up: The animated alley

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Downtown is for People

Here is the first installment of Jane Jacobs‘ ”’ essay, first published in the April 1958 edition of Fortune Magazine:

This year is going to be a critical one for the future of the city. All over the country civic leaders and planners are preparing a series of redevelopment projects that will set the character of the center of our cities for generations to come. Great tracts, many blocks wide, are being razed; only a few cities have their new downtown projects already under construction ; but almost every big city is getting ready to build, and the plans will soon be set.

What will the projects look like? They will be spacious, parklike, and uncrowded. They will feature long green vistas. They will be stable and symmetrical and orderly. They will be clean, impressive, and monumental. They will have all the attributes of a well kept, dignified cemetery.

And each project will look very much like the next one: the Golden Gateway office and apartment center planned for San Francisco; the Civic Center for New Orleans; the Lower Hill auditorium and apartment project for Pittsburgh; the Convention Center for Cleveland ; the Quality Hill offices and apartments for Kansas City; the downtown scheme for Little Rock; the Capitol Hill project for Nashville. From city to city the architects’ sketches conjure up the same dreary scene; here is no hint of individuality or whim or surprise, no hint that here is a city with a tradition and flavor all its own.

These projects will not revitalize downtown; they will deaden it. For they work at cross-purposes to the city. They banish the street. They banish its function. They banish its variety. There is one notable exception, the Gruen plan for Fort Worth; ironically, the main point of it has been missed by the many cities that plan to imitate it. Almost without exception the projects have one standard solution for every need: commerce, medicine, culture, government-whatever the activity, they take a part of the city’s life, abstract it from the hustle and bustle of downtown, and set it, like a self-sufficient island, in majestic isolation.

There are, certainly, ample reasons for redoing downtown – falling retail sales, tax bases in jeopaardy, stagnant real-estate values, impossible traffic and parking conditions, failing mass transit, encirclement by slums. But with no intent to minimize these serious matters, it is more to the point to consider what makes a city center magnetic, what can inject the gaiety, the wonder, the cheerful hurly-burly that make people want to come into the city and to linger there. For magnetism is the crux of the problem. All downtown’s values are its byproducts. To create in it an atmosphere of urbanity and exuberance is not a frivolous aim.

We are becoming too solemn about downtown. The architects, planners—and businessmen—are seized with dreams of order, and they have become fascinated with scale models and bird’s-eye views. This is a vicarious way to deal with reality, and it is, unhappily, symptomatic of a design philosophy now dominant: buildings come first, for the goal is to remake the city to fit an abstract concept of what, logically, it should be. But whose logic? The logic of the projects is the logic of egocentric children, playing with pretty blocks and shouting “See what I made!” – a viewpoint much cultivated in our schools of architecture and design. And who should know better are so fascinated by the sheer process of rebuilding that the end results are secondary to them.

With such an approach, the end results will be about as helpful to the city as the dated relics of the City Beautiful movement, which in the early years of this century was going to rejuvenate the city by making it parklike, spacious, and monumental. For the underlying intricacy, and the life that makes downtown worth fixing at all, can never be fostered synthetically. No one can find what will-work for our cities by looking at the boulevards of Paris, as. the City Beautiful people did; and they can’t find it by looking at suburban garden cities, manipulating scale models, or inventing dream cities.

Mellon Square in 1955 (image courtesy of the Heinz History Center)

You’ve got to get out and walk. Walk, and you will see that many of the assumptions on which the projects depend are visibly wrong. You will see, for example; that a worthy and well-kept institutional center does not necessarily upgrade its surroundings. (Look at the blight-engulfed urban universities, or the petered-out environs of such ambitious landmarks as the civic auditorium in St. Louis and the downtown mall in Cleveland. (Look at Pittsburghers by the thousands climbing forty-two steps to enter the very urban Mellon Square, but balking at crossing the street into the ersatz suburb of Gateway Center.)

You will see that it is not the nature of downtown to decentralize. Notice how astonishingly small a place it is; how abruptly it gives way, outside the small, high-powered core to underused area. Its tendency is not to fly apart but to become denser, more compact. Nor is this tendency some the cores has been on the increase, and given the long-tern leftover from the past; the number of people working within growth in white-collar work it will continue so. The tendency to become denser is a fundamental quality of downtown and it persists for good and sensible reasons.

If you get out and walk, you see all sorts of other clues. Why is the hub of downtown such a mixture of things? Why do office workers on New York’s handsome Park Avenue turn off to Lexington or Madison Avenue at the first corner they reach? Why is a good steak house usually in an old building? Why are short blocks apt to be busier than long ones?

It is the premise of this article that the best way to plan for downtown is to see how people use it today; to look for its strengths and to exploit and reinforce them. There is no logic that can be superimposed on the city; people make it and it is to them, not buildings, that we must fit our plans. This does not mean accepting the present; downtown does` need an overhaul, it is dirty, it is congested. But there are things that are right about it too, and by simple old fashioned observation we can see what they are. We can see what people like.

Next up: How hard can a street work?

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An Introduction to ‘Downtown is for People’

As I have posted before, one of Jane Jacobs’ first forays into the public realm was in 1956, when Douglas Haskell, an editor at Architectural Forum magazine, became sick before a speech at the landmark Conference on Urban Design at Harvard University. In his place, he sent Jacobs, one of his associate editors.  She had only spoken in public once before in her life and had great stage fright. As such, she decided to stick with what she was familiar with and simply shared her pointed observation on the mechanisms of city and urban renewal.

Given her inexperience in public speaking and her rather critical account of the current state of urban planning Jacobs expected a cold reaction from the crowd. To her surprise, the speech received rowdy applause. As a result, renowned urbanist William H. Whyte invited her to write a corresponding article in Fortune magazine, where he worked.

The essay, entitled Downtown is for People, put Jacobs on the radar of many urban theorists and developers. More importantly, it was her impetus to begin gathering her observations and her urban prescriptions. These were published in her seminal book, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, published in 1961.

While many observers of the urban condition are familiar withe the book, they are less familiar with the speech and article that started it all. The article concluded Fortune’s series on the ‘exploding metropolis.’ The series, which began with Whyte’s Are Cities Un-American? (September, 1957), included Francis Bello’s The City and the Car (October), Seymour Freedgood’s New Strength in City Hall (November), Daniel Seligman’s The Enduring Slums (December), and Whyte’s Urban Sprawl (January, 1958).  Jacob’s Downtown is for People appeared in the April 1958 edition.

Together these essays address the problems of urban decline and suburban sprawl, transportation, city politics, , and the character and fabric of cities. The collected essays have since been published in book form, with the subtitle, “A study of the assault on urbanism and how our cities can resist.” Selection passages from the book are available on Google Reader.

I hope by posting this essay, you will gain a deeper appreciation of how Jane Jacobs saw the city, and a better understanding of what I am trying to do with this blog and through organizing the annual Jane’s Walk in . Please feel free to share your own questions and observations in the comments section.

Given the length of the essay, I have decided to post it in sections. I will post part one tomorrow. If you can’t wait and want to read the entire essay on one siting, you can do so here.

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JaneScore—Coming to a neighborhood near you?

Photograph by Modern Phoenix

By now, most have heard about Walk Score, the tool that calculates how walkable a neighborhood is and ranks it on a 100-point scale. Developed by Seattle developer Mike Mathieu and others, it helps quantify walkability and promote its value in the real estate industry.

Despite being widely hailed, there have been many complaints about its implementation. Walk Score initially failed to account for transit options (since fixed). But perhaps more importantly, it uses a simple metric that measures only than distance between an address and local amenities. It does not include any measure of the walking environment or the amenities itself.

The implication being the if things are close together, it is easier to walk from one place to the other. This simple metric fails to note, however, if the walk is along a neighborhood street with sidewalks or a major arterial. It also fails to note if the local store is a big box super store or a farmers market.It also didn’t take into account the safety and crime levels of the neighborhood.

Don’t get me wrong, WalkScore is still and amazing service that in 90% of the way there. It easily tells the difference between a car dependent suburb and a burgeoning downtown hub. Nevertheless, there is room for improvement.

The is where JaneScore comes in. This is a proposed new measure that will account for not just whether neighborhoods have amenities like groceries, schools, and shops, but also whether they have economic and aesthetic diversity. According to Publicola:

[T]he Preservation Green Lab’s Liz Dunn and Walkscore’s Matt Lerner have recently been tossing around a cool idea: the JaneScore. It would be a metric that counts all the subtle features that make for a healthy urban neighborhood, as famously articulated by the late Jane Jacobs.

The key attribute is diversity. In my interpretation, the JaneScore would focus on measuring diversity in a wide range of elements, such as building width, height, condition, style, and age; commercial space use, size, and rent; housing unit type, cost, and tenant demographics. Metrics to rate the vitality of street life would help round out the score.

This is an ambitious undertaking as quantifying an amenity’s quality is a lot more involved that simply employing Google data. But the rewards will also be greater. As mentioned in Grist:

…it would help separate gentrified neighborhoods from economically varied ones. It would separate squeaky clean new neighborhoods from more eclectic historic ones. If JaneScore gets built out, it could yield heaps of information about the various flavors of urban living, which has great potential to be sustainable living.

JaneScore is not the only initiative in this area. Household Opera pointed me to  Walkshed, a tool similar to Walk Score but with controls you can adjust to specify your greater or lesser need to be near various amenities:

…so if you really want tree cover and parks but would rather not live near a bar, or if public transit is a must but you don’t particularly care about hardware scores, you can adjust your map accordingly and it’ll show you a nice “heat map” of your , with the most promising areas shaded in green. And it takes street connectivity and barriers to walking (like highways and rivers) into account. Alas, it’s limited to New York and Philadelphia right now, but I really hope the concept catches on.

While JanesWalkPhx is partial to the JaneScore idea for obvious reasons, I hope that at least one of these idea goes mainstream. But even if they don’t, they have already made a valuable contribution to the study of urban neighborhoods.  Just by being proposed, these initiatives make us urban advocates think of what we really mean when we talk about walkable neighborhoods. And that discussion is, of itself, a good thing.

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See Cities As Jane Jacobs Did

While I will be writing my own review of the book “What We See: Advancing the Observations of Jane Jacobs,” I thought that this review from Treehugger was worth highlighting:

Sometimes the biggest frustration for those of us craving green, healthy, and vibrant cities, is how slow progress can appear, and how seemingly huge the task. To be reminded of the what really makes cities thrive and be alive, pick up What We See – rather than a tribute to renowned  Jane Jacobs, this book keeps in motion a conversation Jacobs started back in 1961 with her seminal book The Death and Life of Great American Cities.

The 30 essays in What We See show the expanding extent of Jacobs’ legacy and also offer hope that while there will always be more to do, the dance of competing cultures and ideas in cities that Jacobs called “ballet of the streets” is alive and well, and possibly poised to be greener than ever.

Read the whole thing here.

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